Foreigners in Wonderland:
Jewish immigration from the
former Soviet UnionBy Judith
Kessler
Out of almost one million Jews that have
left the USSR and the successor states since 1945, a large group of around
170,000 people have immigrated to Germany starting in 1990, as a consequence
of an admission regulation within the framework of the "Law of refugees in
groups." It is estimated that there are another 100,000 wanting to arrive.
A wide range of REASONS (among which
anti-Semitism is considerably important) leads Soviet Jews to emigrate in
the 90’s: conflicts over nationalities, environmental crisis, a bleak
outlook for the next generation, a lack of social security, employment
limitations, an unstable political and economic situation; and on the other
hand, great expectations as to the new life and trust in a secure future. In
the initial stages, to many people the choice of Germany was determined by
pragmatism – one could arrive as a tourist and settle down there– and
between late 1989 and mid-1991, two thirds of migrants had decided to
emigrate either spontaneously or for a short term, traveling almost "at
random." However, more than 75% of those who later arrived in Berlin already
had relatives there, so it could be said that there was also a great effect
of absorption, a kind of chain reaction. The impression that "everybody’s
leaving" led to the emigration of people who had had no plans to leave the
country, saw it as a betrayal or could not make up their minds.
The decision by the Federal Republic of
Germany to authorize their admission consolidates the opinion of most
migrants that the Germans had learnt from the past. Almost no one was
conversant with local affairs; in the USSR there was hardly any access to
foreign media, no one relied on the local media (although they provided
accurate information) and the few people who had already visited Germany or
were living there harbored the myth of the Federal Republic and idealized
their life there. Because the United States, the dream country for Soviet
Jews, has severely restricted immigration and Israel is seen and feared by
many as too unsafe politically and economically, or as too
unknown/Eastern/distant and as always going from one situation of insecurity
to another, Germany is the place that is perceived by immigrants as the most
favorable alternative: the country of "poets and thinkers," wealthy, open to
the world, close, similar, European.
More than 90% of the migrants we are
analyzing also come from the European part of the former USSR. The larger
EMIGRATION QUOTAS are –in a decreasing order– from the cities of Moscow,
Dnepropetrowsk, Odessa, Kiev, Riga and Leningrad/Saint Petersburg; more than
half the immigrants come from these. In accordance with the high degree of
urbanization of the Jewish population, before their trip abroad the migrants
lived almost without exception in cities – especially in localities, where
there were reliable sources of information and the necessary institutions
and networks to go abroad (besides, there seems to be a selectivity of
migration, measured by the migrants’ position in the Soviet distribution
web). But only 34% of "Russian" Jews are Russian natives; 39% are from
Ukraine, 13.5% from the Baltic republics, 6% from White Russia and Moldavia,
5% from the Caucasian republics and 2.5% from central Asia. The geographic
closeness and the cultural and linguistic similarities contribute to the
intense immigration of people from parts of Russia, Ukraine and the Baltic,
whereas proportionately much fewer Jews from more far-off regions (central
Asia) have emigrated.
The AGE STRUCTURE of the group of migrants
is –due to the gradual migration of whole groups of people related by
family, social and regional ties– a reflection of the part of the ethnic
group that has settled, characterized by aging and by minimal birth rates.
Compared to both local and foreign populations, the over 60 age groups are
overpopulated and the under 25 groups are underpopulated; 14% of the group
is between 0 and 18, 56% between 19 and 60 and 30% more than 60 (up to 90).
The "average immigrant from Berlin" is currently 45 years of age. If at the
beginning the arrivals were mostly young people who reported that their
parents would not want to go to Germany, at the same time we can see that
also older people, over 60 years old, are arriving. To many people, the
emigration pressure builds up due to the economic situation, and the
children are the starting point as well as a source of information.
The SEX DISTRIBUTION is fairly level with
49% men and 51% women, with a clear predominance of men aged 30-50 years
(7%) and women over 60 (14%); single men immigrated mainly at the beginning
of the "wave" whereas many older women followed later and
disproportionately. These older women account for two thirds of the 12% of
widowed immigrants. Not counting underage people, 58% of migrants were
married upon arrival; out of these, some 8% were in their second marriage.
18% were single and 12%, divorced. The single-child FAMILY is the most
frequent pattern among immigrants. Those with more than two children
generally come from the Asian part of the USSR, or from Eastern countries.
Thus, households of 4 or more people account for only 11%. At the top are
2-people households, with 33%, followed by 29% of single-people households,
and 27% of 3-people households. In larger households, underage or adult
children live together with their parents and other relatives.
With regard to their FORMAL EDUCATION
LEVEL, migrants were substantially no different from the Jewish population
throughout the world. Those with university-level studies predominate, at
68% (comparatively, the proportion of academics among Russian Germans is
about 19%). Only 2% have never learned a trade. At 20%, engineers are by far
the largest individual group (the most frequent combination is that of "the
civil engineers from Dnepropetrowsk"), followed by teachers, doctors, farm
workers and musicians. Overall, most migrants worked in the field of
technology, construction and industry (29%), crafts, services and gastronomy
(18%), medicine and pharmacy (15%), economy (11%), education (10%) and arts
and the media (10%). In the field of research, only 3% dealt with the area
of social sciences; and 4% with natural sciences. Professions related to
agronomy, forestry and mining are totally lacking.
Men and women are equally well-educated.
The group has female electricians, mechanics, physicists, electronic and
aircraft-building engineers. Some 15% of women have had a noticeably better
education than their husbands; only 1.4% have no professional training.
Immigrants of both sexes at working age were in general employed, and those
that had reached the regular retirement age often also worked. Society’s
acceptance was seen in that they had good professional positions, had a
relatively high social status and were comparatively privileged financially.
The bulk of immigrants had unrealizable
EXPECTATIONS as to the new life. In the first place, there was some kind of
attitude aimed at getting things through formal requests; there is also
unemployment and life in very confined quarters. In connection with this,
the failed expectations, the fact that the "homo Sovieticus" was not used to
being responsible for himself, the loss of their homeland and social
contacts, the foreign language and culture, the bureaucracy, a different set
of rules and an unexpected need for change – all lead part of the migrants,
after a short euphoria, to lethargy or hyperactivity, somatic illnesses and
mental crisis.
ELDERLY migrants, who often arrive with
some kind of illness, speak frequently about their feelings, about the loss
of confidence and even the sudden devaluation of a whole life’s experience.
Now they can hardly rely on what they have learned or had in their lives.
Having to go to the Social Service Agency after working for a lifetime is
felt as a humiliation. Most elderly migrants have worked until their
departure from the country; people used to seek their advice, and as war
veterans or exemplary workers they were revered and privileged. They bring
with them their medals, awards and stories but, because of their pride in
their (partly idealized) past, they come up against incomprehension. Many
have an unfavorable result when they take stock of their lives and have a
distorted self-image. They have often emigrated just for the sake of their
children, so as not to be alone, although here they were often more alone
than in their country. The family ties start to crumble and the proverbial
solidarity that has only existed within the community of socialist need
seems to have faded away and now is replaced in part with cost-benefit
analysis. With their hectic lifestyle and the rapid acceptance of local
"rules" and possibilities, the children send their parents to old people’s
homes, transfer responsibility elsewhere and give them the feeling that also
within the family they are no longer needed, except as childminders.
But at the same time, more often than not
the parents inform their CHILDREN about this decision just before
departing,. The children seldom take part in this decision and they see it
rather as a betrayal. Suffering the loss of well-known friends and places,
they are often left alone and facing the parents’ frustrations, which arise
when the fulfillment of "all the dreams" is hard to come by (often only one
of the parents wanted to emigrate so there was an increasing number of
couples separating). The children quickly turn to peer-groups of their same
age and adopt points of view and especially consumer tendencies that some of
the parents cannot handle. They learn the language faster and become
"managers" for the whole family, therefore they are usually overburdened. In
turn, the parents project their hopes and demands onto their children. This
way, the children’s capacity to deliver and adapt themselves is overrated,
and also the reasons for learning impediments and behavioral disorders are
not ascribed to the children but to the local educational system, which is
substantially different from the Soviet system in terms of discipline,
teaching methods, teachers’ authority, curriculum, etc.
The "YOUNG ELDERLY," i.e. those aged about
50-65 years, are the third problem group. Work meant for them the highest
vital value and for Jews very often their profession was one of the few
chances to assert themselves positively and achieve acceptance. Whereas
young migrants were largely conscious that they did not necessarily have to
work to "survive," strikingly, it is the "young elderly" who suffer
unemployment, the division between those "fit" or "unfit" for the labor
market and the accompanying loss of status. This also applies to many women,
whose earlier potential for prestige and power was based –beyond the
intra-familiar role– on economic and social roles.
Regarding the LABOR SITUATION, we see that
more than three quarters of the polled immigrants with professional
education at working age are still or once more unemployed (not counting
paid informal activities). Most of those who belong to the active population
work in a trade other than the one they learned, and often they are not
employed full-time, because they have unrecognized degrees (teachers,
nurses, doctors), or because they do not have a degree or the necessary
qualifications. This is why women are more willing than men to accept jobs
that are out of keeping with their education or to pursue a new training
period. Technical specialists or professionals in natural sciences
(mathematicians, space technicians) and people from the field of arts
(painters, musicians) reintegrate into the labor market more frequently;
whereas professionals in social sciences and people over 50 years old rarely
do it. Especially teachers, doctors and scientists are willing to accept
lengthy, unpaid practices or assistant positions, in the hopes that this
investment will pay off in the future. Migrants with manual labor skills and
from the area of services have better chances of getting a job, but rarely
in German companies (except in the construction industry). In proportion,
more people work for "Russian" employers (in gambling dens, shops, doctor’s
offices) or become self-employed, for example as cobblers, tailors,
gastronomes (these are often people from the Asian part of the USSR). In a
large number of cases, people switched professions, for instance, those who
used to be engineers now start up business companies and service firms. The
motivation to improve their chances by pursuing advanced courses and
learning specific languages is halted due to forced inactivity and seemingly
unattainable perspectives. Besides, they are inexperienced at filling
applications and looking for a job, and through the relations with the
former Soviet Union, certain tendencies have developed such as a lack of
flexibility and of personal initiative.
Migrants from the high or middle classes
usually have an unrealistic level of aspirations as to their job or
education. Immigrants that cannot find a proper employment in the German
labor market do intense and informal jobs, with longer hours and a reduced
sense of security, and swing between the Federal Republic and the CIS
(Commonwealth of Independent States). Some have started relatively
self-employed activities in the German labor market, favored by the size of
the Russian-speaking group (which demands certain wares and services, offers
cheap labor and in which a knowledge of German is not very necessary), by
the regional closeness to the CIS, by the difference in the exchange rates
(in connection with the purchase and sale of wares) as well as by the
specific interests of the country’s natives (in connection with
Russian/Jewish cuisine, art and culture).
Some signs of the gradual "SETTLING DOWN
PROCESS" are, among others, the births: insofar as the parents reported
them, the number of births per year increased in Berlin from 5 in 1990 to
between 20 and 30 at present. Marriages occur in general among people aged
18 to 30, but also in the case of some older migrants. Until now they have
occurred almost exclusively between migrants, who do not necessarily belong
to the Jewish group but to the Russian-speaking people.
Informal CONTACTS with Germans barely
increased even in longer staying periods. They are made in general at school
or at work, usually without leading to a positive relationship. Frequently,
one-to-one contacts are of a formal kind (at the Social Assistance Agency or
the Employment Office) and are considered unsatisfactory; work mates are
seen as unkind, bureaucratic and restrictive. Migrants perceive in "Germans"
a lack of a sense of humor, a certain arrogance and selfishness, and are
convinced –to that extent– that they do not ever want to be "Germans" or
"like Germans." The limited possibilities of participating and the exclusion
hamper the formation of interest, loyalty and personal participation.
Besides, the migrants have a rather individualist ideology that results,
among other things, from the rejection of the old socialist order, from a
new competitive envy and the new preference for material aspects and
contents. A considerable part has an insufficient command of German and an
extremely sketchy knowledge of the social and political structures (except
for data and laws referring to the person or group, which can be beneficial
or otherwise).
On the other hand, it was proven that the
migrants’ life in no way depends only on "external" prerogatives and offers.
The wish to "settle among them" is very frequent. The longed-for segregation
goes hand in hand with the extremely high value put on social relationships,
communication and bonds within the family or group and with the estrangement
from parts of the total group. Social behavior resembles that in the old
homeland – relationships are built or continued according to the regional
origin, political affiliation, education and social status. Factors that
favor "settling among them" or the partial "formation of gangs" are the
great "density of relatives and circles of friends" (in some families one
can see web groups of over 50 people each), the closeness to the homeland,
which enables contacts and visit trips, and especially the "ETHNIC
COMMUNITY."
So far Berlin seems to have been unique
regarding this shutting in process (parallel cases can be seen in Frankfort
and Munich). Only here –in east and west Berlin– was there a large
"former-Soviet" and "Jewish" infrastructure or group (the number of ex-
Soviet citizens currently living in Berlin both legally and illegally must
be around 200,000). This infrastructure has spread massively and as a whole
is able to meet most needs – from video rentals to the selling of computer
software to commission agents and marriage bureaus (which is why the "run"
to Berlin is partly understandable). Added to this, there are new forms of
self-organization, clubs, radio shows and newspapers.
The relative size of the "colony" enables a
mental and partly social guarantee, as well as the maintenance of
subcultural preferences, and it is the base of power for the protection of
interests and a requisite for integration, yet at the same time it hampers
it. A large part of migrants keep here almost all their primary contacts and
most of their secondary contacts. The existence of their own webs,
structures of offers and relationships does not only allow gaining access to
certain sectors (employment, housing, leisure time, education, religion) but
also remaining within the line of relationships brought along, thus avoiding
more intense external contacts and orientations. Thus, to many migrants, it
is enough to adopt basic tendencies and skills of the "functional" kind.
Learning the language fully and acquiring secondary behavioral patterns is
not necessary to get by. On the other hand, retreat is made easy to those
who failed in their attempts to find a job, contacts, acceptance. In some
cases, the Russian-speaking or the Jewish background is beneficial to the
migrants’ motives and needs of having bonds, security and reorganization
without having to re-adapt themselves; in other cases, it makes up for them.
The "internal integration" of the groups of migrants can thus be considered
relatively high, intact and satisfactory for each part "according to the
place of origin."
The appreciation of the new environment is
to many people more difficult when they experience equal amounts of
rejection and ignorance or dedication and subvention, and they are barely
capable of finding the "middle ground" and discovering their own limits and
misjudgments. From time to time, unpopular decisions by the authorities are
denounced as anti-Semitic, or some people set themselves up as victims.
"Defensiveness" as well as "open-armed welcome" go counter to "normality" in
the form of treatment and give rise to insecurities and distrust. But also
among long-stay migrants and Jews we can see reciprocal limits and failed
expectations.
On the one hand, for many immigrants the
help of JEWISH COMMUNITIES –which should be help for self-help– is not
enough, and in spite of their numerical superiority they are still barely
represented in deliberating bodies (however, the wish to participate in
profit-making activities is so far underdeveloped). On the other hand, some
of the long-standing residents feel uncared-for and disadvantaged regarding
the allocation of resources, or they feel neglected due to the migrants’
cultural and linguistic domination, and have the impression that these are
coming from a large prison in search of freedom (which is why here they
should be satisfied, grateful and active). Also, some of the immigrants do
not aspire to have contact with local Jews and communities, or according to
the Halachah, cannot be members. Some of the local Jews, in turn, regard the
migrants as homogeneously "Russian" or too "non-Jewish."
Anyway, their self-definition is not
strong: in over 70 years of Soviet power, mostly estranged from Judaism,
most of them maintained their identity only because of the words in the
passport: "Nationality: Jewish." The group of migrants has a large number of
inter-ethnic families – about one third of all the new members of the Berlin
community have a non-Jewish spouse, and because many are not Halachic Jews
anymore due to an affiliation different from their parents’, the total
number is presumably way over 50%. Only some of the older migrants speak
Yiddish (and often they cannot read or write it), and the cultural and
religious knowledge about Judaism and the corresponding bonds are minimal.
Besides the elderly migrants, who still
have original relations with Judaism, the community’s feeling in a country
that remained foreign to the majority sparks interest in Judaism and their
own roots, and it often becomes the "psychological anchor." Overall,
however, the middle generation is busy with the creation of an economic
existence and "leaves" Judaism mostly to the children. These visit Jewish
entities, and the focus of the communities is centered specially on them as
the true "culture transmitters" to their parents. Although migrants are less
oriented toward religion than toward festivities, literature, history,
folklore, or even though they have just a mild "internal" relationship with
Judaism, their "external" bond is sometimes strong (Bar Mitzvah, etc).
Concern for (formal) conservation of the
Jewish community was temporarily pushed into the background with the massive
"launching" of the immigration wave. The NUMBER OF MEMBERS has multiplied
between 1989 and 2003: it rose from under 28,000 to nearly 90,000 people; in
Berlin alone the number rose from 6,500 to 11,000 people. Currently, the
USSR’s non-natives living here account for just one third of the members.
Small communities have multiplied their member base and both in West and
East Germany, communities were re-founded. However, the number of migrants
in the new states is considerably larger than the number of members in the
new communities. Not counting the strong shifts, their places of residence
often have no connection to communities, or the incentive to affiliation is
lower than in the "western communities," which can have more social,
cultural and religious aspects to offer. Also, the hope for a rejuvenation
of the community is justified only in part: the proportion of those over 60
years old is still higher than 30% and the group aged from 41 to 50 is the
most important group, at 18%. 10% are children under 11 and the ratio of
mortality rate to birth rate is circa 5:1 in the whole Federal Republic.
The SOCIO-CULTURAL WEB of most communities
increased during the immigration; therefore some entities (for instance the
Berliner Gymnasium) could only be formed due to it. In Berlin and some large
districts there are course offers, meeting places for youths and seniors and
leisure-time activities. Some starting points to smooth the path of artists
toward independence in Berlin are, among others, the installation of a
Jewish art gallery, the incorporation of migrants to pottery, dance and
music courses, the drawing-up of subsidized projects, the revamping of
performing rooms or the creation of a Jewish theater. The ZWST organizes
integration seminars and supra-regional workshops as well as field trips and
relaxation programs for seniors.
However, the demand is not satisfied, among
other reasons because the structural and financial capacities (sometimes
also the willpower) of the communities are overburdened. In many smaller
communities there is still emergency supplying and improvisation. Also, the
immigration’s dimension creates new problems; for instance, in the primary
schools of Berlin there are in some classes up to 75% of children of new
immigrants. This results in quality reductions and problems of acceptance.
It is understandable that financial matters
are to the newly arrived more vital than getting close to Judaism, something
which, given the case, is only imaginable as a gradual process. It can be
disappointing that wishes are too often exclusively limited to getting
social assistance, financial aid, solution of conflicts with the public
administration, vacancies in schools, kindergartens and geriatric homes as
well as living quarters and jobs, and at the same time, certain educational
openings, jobs and living quarters are rejected as not being "good enough."
The large communities, within the framework
of international Jewish aid, together with immigrants’ demands and needs,
became the "Jewish self-service shops," often also as a substitute for
(instead of a complement of) re-delegated state responsibility. The
empathetic kind of treatment, centered on people, favors "ideologizations"
and "double binds" from assistants and customers, leads to overprotection or
exploitation of the staff or the institution and collides with real demands
and possibilities. The newest concepts in Israel, which attempt to eliminate
the dependency on integration entities and the existing passivity and which
are against "holding the migrants hands," still have to catch on here. The
need to transmit to the new members activities and obligations that build
the community has not worked well for the communities so far. And until now,
their real wish to transmit and join Judaism has been successful with the
youngest and oldest generation. Wanting more is also unrealistic.
Judith Kessler, a Social Sciences
scholar and staff writer for the institutional magazine "Juedisches Berlin"
from the Jewish community of Berlin, is the author of several studies and
publications on Jewish sociological and migratory subjects.
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30-12-2003 |
